Tag Archives: salon

Confirmed… Journalist Completely in the Tank for Obama

Confirmed… Journalist Completely in the Tank for Obama Documents show media plotting to kill stories about Rev. Jeremiah Wright By Jonathan Strong – The Daily Caller 1:15 AM 07/20/2010 It was the moment of greatest peril for then-Sen. Barack Obama’s political career. In the heat of the presidential campaign, videos surfaced of Obama’s pastor, the Rev. Jeremiah Wright, angrily denouncing whites, the U.S. government and America itself. Obama had once bragged of his closeness to Wright. Now the black nationalist preacher’s rhetoric was threatening to torpedo Obama’s campaign. The crisis reached a howling pitch in mid-April, 2008, at an ABC News debate moderated by Charlie Gibson and George Stephanopoulos. Gibson asked Obama why it had taken him so long – nearly a year since Wright’s remarks became public – to dissociate himself from them. Stephanopoulos asked, “Do you think Reverend Wright loves America as much as you do?” Watching this all at home were members of Journolist, a listserv comprised of several hundred liberal journalists, as well as like-minded professors and activists. The tough questioning from the ABC anchors left many of them outraged. “George [Stephanopoulos],” fumed Richard Kim of the Nation, is “being a disgusting little rat snake.” Others went further. According to records obtained by The Daily Caller, at several points during the 2008 presidential campaign a group of liberal journalists took radical steps to protect their favored candidate. Employees of news organizations including Time, Politico, the Huffington Post, the Baltimore Sun, the Guardian, Salon and the New Republic participated in outpourings of anger over how Obama had been treated in the media, and in some cases plotted to fix the damage. In one instance, Spencer Ackerman of the Washington Independent urged his colleagues to deflect attention from Obama’s relationship with Wright by changing the subject. Pick one of Obama’s conservative critics, Ackerman wrote, “Fred Barnes, Karl Rove, who cares — and call them racists.” Michael Tomasky, a writer for the Guardian, also tried to rally his fellow members of Journolist: “Listen folks–in my opinion, we all have to do what we can to kill ABC and this idiocy in whatever venues we have. This isn’t about defending Obama. This is about how the [mainstream media] kills any chance of discourse that actually serves the people.” “Richard Kim got this right above: ‘a horrible glimpse of general election press strategy.’ He’s dead on,” Tomasky continued. “We need to throw chairs now, try as hard as we can to get the call next time. Otherwise the questions in October will be exactly like this. This is just a disease.” (In an interview Monday, Tomasky defended his position, calling the ABC debate an example of shoddy journalism.) Thomas Schaller, a columnist for the Baltimore Sun as well as a political science professor, upped the ante from there. In a post with the subject header, “why don’t we use the power of this list to do something about the debate?” Schaller proposed coordinating a “smart statement expressing disgust” at the questions Gibson and Stephanopoulos had posed to Obama. “It would create quite a stir, I bet, and be a warning against future behavior of the sort,” Schaller wrote. Tomasky approved. “YES. A thousand times yes,” he exclaimed. The members began collaborating on their open letter. Jonathan Stein of Mother Jones rejected an early draft, saying, “I’d say too short. In my opinion, it doesn’t go far enough in highlighting the inanity of some of [Gibson's] and [Stephanopoulos’s] questions. And it doesn’t point out their factual inaccuracies …Our friends at Media Matters probably have tons of experience with this sort of thing, if we want their input.” Jared Bernstein, who would go on to be Vice President Joe Biden’s top economist when Obama took office, helped, too. The letter should be “Short, punchy and solely focused on vapidity of gotcha,” Bernstein wrote. In the midst of this collaborative enterprise, Holly Yeager, now of the Columbia Journalism Review, dropped into the conversation to say “be sure to read” a column in that day’s Washington Post that attacked the debate. Columnist Joe Conason weighed in with suggestions. So did Slate contributor David Greenberg, and David Roberts of the website Grist. Todd Gitlin, a professor of journalism at Columbia University, helped too. Journolist members signed the statement and released it April 18, calling the debate “a revolting descent into tabloid journalism and a gross disservice to Americans concerned about the great issues facing the nation and the world.” The letter caused a brief splash and won the attention of the New York Times. But only a week later, Obama – and the journalists who were helping him – were on the defensive once again. Jeremiah Wright was back in the news after making a series of media appearances. At the National Press Club, Wright claimed Obama had only repudiated his beliefs for “political reasons.” Wright also reiterated his charge that the U.S. federal government had created AIDS as a means of committing genocide against African Americans. It was another crisis, and members of Journolist again rose to help Obama. Chris Hayes of the Nation posted on April 29, 2008, urging his colleagues to ignore Wright. Hayes directed his message to “particularly those in the ostensible mainstream media” who were members of the list. more at link….or down below….. added by: 0face

Debunking the GOP Claim that Cap and Trade is an "Energy Tax"

Yesterday, I noted that a debate on cap and trade hosted by Salon produced the same predictable arguments from the “right” perspective — that cap and trade is “a job-killing energy tax” and so forth. I had a little fun with the regurgitated, keyword-laden arguments laid out by Steve Everley of American Solutions , and called them misleading. This evidently drew his ire (or it could have been because I misspelled his name — sorry about that). Either way, he responded to my post with a lengthy rebuttal in th… Read the full story on TreeHugger

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Debunking the GOP Claim that Cap and Trade is an "Energy Tax"

Breitbart Offers $100k For JournoList Archives, Libs Cry ‘Digital McCarthyism’

Andrew Breitbart has arrived at a simply remedy to at least some of the problems that ail contemporary journalism: cold, hard cash. Yesterday he offered $100,000 to anyone who will supply him with the full archive of JournoList, the email listserve that brought down Dave Weigel . “$100,000 is not a lot to spend on the Holy Grail of media bias when there is a country to save, ” Breitbart wrote yesterday. Americans “deserve to know who was colluding against them,” he added, “so that in the future they can better understand how the once-objective media has come to be so corrupted and despised.” And there’s the rub: Breitbart is attempting to out liberal journalists as just that: liberal. His tactics and his objectives have been dubbed by some on the left as ” digital McCarthyism ,” in the words of Michael Roston, “in which any of us could become the next Dave Weigel based not on the public output of our journalism, but based on our private sentiments.” Roston seems less upset about Breitbart’s $100,000 offer than he is about the notion that JournoList emails would be leaked at all. Ezra Klein echoed this misguided outrage when he dubbed the Weigel controversy ” dedicated character assassination .” Let’s be clear: Weigel resigned, he was not fired. Maybe he thought he would no longer be able to cover conservatives effectively after earning their disdain (rightfully, in my mind). Or maybe the Post felt that he had violated their professional standards, and encouraged him to leave. Those were both internal decisions — there was no McCarthyite witch hunt. Indeed, you’ll be hard-pressed to find conservatives who called for Weigel’s resignation, and some of his most vehement defenders were on the right . The outrage over Weigel’s statements was less directed at his personal political views, than at the Post’s decision to hire him to cover the right. As I have written , the issue for most conservatives is not Weigel’s lack of objectivity, but rather the Post’s lack of balance. Weigel was not a counterweight to Ezra Klein. Not even close. There is, however, a group of journalists griping about Weigel’s lack of objectivity, and using it as an occasion to decry the ascendency of opinion journalism. Of the ongoing battle between the self-proclaimed “objective” journalists and opinion reporters such as Klein and Weigel, Ned Resnikoff writes at Salon, It’s not hard to see the implications of this argument for journalism in general. Weigelgate has instigated a long-overdue fight within the bowels of a major newspaper over the relative merits of traditional, self-consciously impartial reporting and opinionated coverage. It’s an old skirmish, but not one that has ever been fought with this level of intensity, before such a wide audience. And perhaps now that it’s out in the open, we can expose the misguided, antiquated ideology its supporters have dubbed “objective journalism” for what it really is. Because, make no mistake, it is an ideology — one predicated on the notion that human beings can educate one another on complex, hotly contested issues without using any sort of subjective or ideology-based language or ordering principle. Maybe this isn’t an unreasonable argument to make a priori, but by now, experience should have taught us that the opposite is true. Human language is too complex, too subjective, and too ambiguous to express non-mathematical propositions in wholly mathematical, objective terms. Human perception is too impressionable and susceptible to self-editing for it to capture, much less perfectly reproduce, a completely unslanted cluster of objective facts. And when journalists behave as if these things are untrue, it distorts their coverage in curious, frequently unacknowledged ways… The solution is to follow the example set by Weigel, Klein, Sargent and countless others: acknowledge your own biases. Disclose them to your audience. Never shy away from advancing an argument that is open to contradictory interpretation, but be prepared to defend it and, when necessary, admit error and adjust your beliefs accordingly. Roston and others on the left have dubbed “McCarthyism” Breitbart’s offer, and the potential that other “objective” journalists could have their biases exposed to the world. But that label seems to assume that a journalist who is outed as a liberal faces any meaningful threat to his or her career. That notion is nothing short of silly. Weigel did not leave the post because he is a liberal. And conservatives did not force him out. Think about those two assertions for a minute. Do some commentators actually believe that a blogger’s lefty views could get him fired from one of the most liberal papers in the nation? Do they actually believe that righty commentators have any say in or sway over the Post’s employment decisions? Did Weigel’s statements offend a great number of conservatives? Absolutely. But since when is offending conservatives a fireable offense at the paper that helped bring down Nixon? This is the same paper that employed extremely liberal reporters such as Carl Bernstein and Dana Milbank. Bernstein is venerated, and Milbank was made a columnist. Liberalism is hardly taboo at the Post. Roston is terribly concerned that “any of us could become the next Dave Weigel based not on the public output of our journalism, but based on our private sentiments.” But that is just the problem, as Breitbart and so many others see it: the 20th century model of journalism promotes a mythical separation between a reporter’s work and his or her private sentiments. As explained above, it is near impossible to avoid injecting one’s own biases into that reporting. Are there journalists who manage it? Of course. But a journalistic model that assumes reporters can do what few actually manage — remain objective, that is — is a dysfunctional model. Decades of stilted journalism have demonstrated that fact. Breitbart is simply exposing that model for the sham that it is.

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Breitbart Offers $100k For JournoList Archives, Libs Cry ‘Digital McCarthyism’

Salon’s Walsh Jumps the Shark — Calls GOP Senators Bigots for Invoking Manhattan’s Upper West Side

Did you know that calling attention to an area where a Supreme Court justice nominee is from, which happens to be a well-known bastion of liberalism, is bigoted ?  If you didn’t, you want to take a look at the wisdom of Salon.com’s Joan Walsh. In her June 28 post “It’s not even coded bigotry anymore,” Walsh argued that references to SCOTUS nominee Elena Kagan’s Upper West Side of Manhattan roots are bigoted -since the neighborhood has Jewish features, references to it are anti-Semitic and as she puts it, “not even coded.” “That said, Republicans on the Senate Judicial Committee are trying to make the case she’s outside the mainstream of American jurisprudence, by attacking her clerking for (and admiring) legal giant Thurgood Marshall, the first African American Supreme Court justice, while singling her out as a denizen of ‘Manhattan’s Upper West Side’ – you know, the neighborhood known for Zabar’s and bagels and, well, Jews,” Walsh wrote. Walsh wasn’t clear about what she thinks these Senate Republicans are trying to accomplish. Conventional wisdom suggests Kagan will be easily confirmed, but pointing out the neighborhood she is from, with documented evidence of having an ideological liberal leaning , is going to accomplish what? She also took a stab at ranking Senate Judiciary Committee Republican Sen. Jeff Sessions, with her own efforts to be coded – by invoking his middle name, “Beauregard.” (Remember when liberals hemmed and hawed over using President Barack Obama’s middle name, “Hussein,” as if that were a coded effort to suggest he was Muslim ?) Her beef with Sessions was that he voiced his disapproval of judicial activism. “Sen. Jefferson Beauregard Sessions of Alabama, who wasn’t crazy about Sonia Sotomayor, you’ll recall, denounced Kagan having ‘associated herself with well-known activist judges who have used their power to redefine the meaning of our constitution and have the result of advancing that judge’s preferred social policies,’ and he cited Marshall, the NAACP Legal Defense Fund leader who argued Brown vs. Board of Education,” Walsh wrote. Therefore with that evidence, Walsh declared any GOP senator that opposes Kagan a bigot. “So there you have it. Unable to find any personal statements by Kagan they can use to prove she’s beyond the pale, so to speak – no ‘wise Latina’ moments on her transcripts – they deride her for coming from the Upper West Side, and admiring one of the heroes of American justice, who happens to be black,” Walsh wrote. “Stay tuned for more not-so-coded bigotry from the GOP.”

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Salon’s Walsh Jumps the Shark — Calls GOP Senators Bigots for Invoking Manhattan’s Upper West Side

Vienna Slams Jake — He’s Gonna Make Me Sick!

Filed under: Vienna Girardi , Jake Pavelka , The Bachelor More shots fired in the nuclear breakup between Vienna Girardi and Jake Pavelka … and this time Vienna is hitting where it really hurts … the ” Bachelor ‘s” penchant for publicity. TMZ obtained footage from inside the salon where Vienna was right… Read more

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Vienna Slams Jake — He’s Gonna Make Me Sick!

Media Help Obama Bash Republicans, Forget ‘Polarizing’ Charge Against Bush

President Obama’s weekly radio address on Saturday devoted the entire hour to a hyper-partisan, long-winded, meandering speech about his Republican critics being too — wait for it! — partisan. Fortunately for him, a compliant national media would simply forward the attack on their own pages and never pause long enough to smell the irony. In the middle of alleged job offers, controversial nominations, and unpopular bills shoved through Congress along party lines, President Obama complained about “dreary and familiar politics” from the opposition, and the media immediately took his side. Up first was the Washington Post’s Scott Wilson who used the 44 blog on Saturday to cover the speech: A frustrated President Obama assailed congressional Republicans on Saturday for holding up legislation he said is important to the country’s economic recovery, and he called for up-or-down votes on the measure and on scores of his nominees in the Senate as soon as possible. “I was disappointed this week to see a dreary and familiar politics get in the way of our ability to move forward on a series of critical issues that have a direct impact on people’s lives,” Obama said in his weekly radio and Internet address. Obama has often sprinkled criticism of Washington’s partisan culture – a target of his 2008 campaign – throughout his weekly addresses. But he has rarely devoted the entire speech to the subject, and his doing so Saturday was a sign of his exasperation and concern that a failure to push through measures to benefit the staggering economy could hurt his party in the November elections. Wilson was correct about one thing: President Obama does often complain about partisan games. It seems that all of his problems can be traced back to incompetent Republicans or partisan critics, and he will gladly give a partisan speech to tell you about it. Yet it never occurred to Wilson to mention any of that. In fact, Wilson went on to quote President Obama further: In his address, Obama said, “The political season is upon us in Washington, but gridlock as a political strategy is destructive to the country.” “Whether we are Democrats or Republicans, we’ve got an obligation that goes beyond caring about the next election,” he said. “We have an obligation to care for the next generation. So I hope that when Congress returns next week, they do so with a greater spirit of compromise and cooperation. America will be watching.” Sadly, other news outlets took the same tack of ignoring Obama’s glaring hypocrisy. Politico covered the address in a short report that mentioned nothing of the past. The New York Times used the occasion to repeat guilt-stricken quotes about “unemployed Americans” and families who can’t afford to buy a home. Worst of all was the Associated Press, which spoke directly in its headline about “making life harder for the jobless” – never bothering to wonder if such partisan blame-games from the president could be partially responsible for things being harder. It was just a few years ago that partisan arguments from the president were seen as divisive and polarizing. Of course, that was when a Republican was in the White House, and liberal Democrats were the ones stalling. Back then, the media were quite annoyed by sitting presidents who criticized the other party. On November 5, 2004, Salon published a rant from an enraged Cass Sunstein who encouraged fellow progressives to keep fighting after Bush’s reelection victory: After this intensely fought election, both President Bush and Sen. John Kerry are speaking of the need to heal our divisions and come together as a single, united nation. They’re wrong. Critics of the Bush presidency do not need to heal our divisions but to insist on them. President Bush has presided over an extraordinarily divisive and polarizing administration. The suggestion that we should now “heal our divisions” is really a suggestion not for unity but for capitulation… This is not a time to yield to a radical agenda for our nation’s future or its Constitution. Nor is it time to heal our divisions. It is time to shout them from the rooftops. The media’s response to that strategy was something less than outrage. In fact, this view of politics was acceptable fare back then. A few months later, NBC’s David Gregory curtly reported that “bipartisanship appears to be out” thanks to President Bush refusing to work with liberal Democrats. He accused Bush of “barreling ahead” with unpopular agendas and “not talking about compromise.” In 2005, Washington Post columnist E.J. Dionne had this to say about Bush: Recent months, and especially the past two weeks, have brought home to a steadily growing majority of Americans the truth that President Bush’s government doesn’t work. His policies are failing, his approach to leadership is detached and self-indulgent, his way of politics has produced a divided, angry and dysfunctional public square. We dare not go on like this. In 2007, the NY Times called Bush “a polarizing president like no other” who had “given little ground” to Democrats. When Bush fought a plan in Congress to expand federal funding for children’s health insurance, the Times quoted Rahm Emanuel saying, “I’m at a loss over what is driving him with this strategy.” That was how a Republican president was treated for refusing to give in to the opposition. It had nothing to do with obstructionist liberals who refused to let the nation heal, even though they had stated that very thing as their goal. Bush refused to lie down for liberal agendas, so obviously he was the cause of all the friction. How convenient that liberal Democrats are now in charge of Washington, and suddenly the president is excused for being partisan. It would appear that, according to our media, the definition of compromise is when conservatives give up. 

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Media Help Obama Bash Republicans, Forget ‘Polarizing’ Charge Against Bush

Chris Matthews Crams Year’s Worth of Anti-Tea Party Cliches into One Hour Special

What do Tea Partiers, Truthers, birthers, Birchers, militias, Pat Buchanan, Jerry Falwell, Barry Goldwater, Joe McCarthy, Father Coughlin, Glenn Beck, Rush Limbaugh, Sarah Palin, Michelle Bachmann, Ronald Reagan, Strom Thurmond, Rand Paul, Alex Jones, Orly Taitz, and Oklahoma City bomber Tim McVeigh all have in common? Approximately nothing, but don’t tell Chris Matthews. The MSNBC “Hardball” host spent the better part of an hour last night trying to associate all of these characters with one other. Of course he did not provide a shred of evidence beyond, ironically, a McCarthyite notion that all favor smaller government, and are therefore in league, whether they know it or not, to overthrow the government. Together, by Matthews’s account, they comprise or have given rise to the “New Right.” The special was less a history of the Tea Party movement than a history of leftist distortions of the Tea Party movement. As such, it tried — without offering any evidence, mind you — to paint the movement as potentially violent. Hence, after Matthews tried his hardest to link all of these characters, he went on to paint them all as supporting, inciting, or actually committing violence. Matthews trotted out Mark Potok of the Southern Poverty Law Center to claim that “one spark” could set the militia movement off into a violent frenzy. But Matthews used the statement not to indict the militias Potok was discussing, but rather as evidence that the Tea Party movement at-large is a violent one. Set aside for a moment the fact that Potok is nothing but a partisan hack with a pathetic track record of predicting violence, the B-roll footage while the thoroughly-discredited Potok was making these predictions was footage of the 9/12 Tea Party rally in Washington. This is what Matthews did throughout the special: splice together clips of militias firing weapons with Tea Party protesters in order to create a mental association between the groups. That there is no evidence whatsoever linking Tea Parties to militia groups, nor incidents of violence occurring at rallies, did not dissuade the former Jimmy Carter staffer. Matthews simply chose the unseemly route of trying to associate the numerous characters in his special without any evidence to back up his claims. The only connection that Matthews managed to legitimately draw between the Tea Party and militia groups — indeed, between any of the long list of characters mentioned above– is their aversion to government intervention in their daily lives. That’s right, in the same segment in which Matthews ragged against the late Joe McCarthy, he associated Tea Parties with the Hutaree Militia because both have a distaste for big government (the latter much stronger than the other, obviously). By Matthews’s logic, every American who has qualms with some element of capitalism is complicit in, and supports, openly or not, radical anarcho-socialist violence perpetrated at the G-8, or any other incident of leftist violence (and there have been many of late). Matthews himself has touted the wonders of the ” social state .” So he must support, or at least acknowledge the justifiability of folks who wish to violently overthrow the government and impose a socialist system. That is the only logical conclusion, if we accept Matthews’s premises. Such hypocrisy is rife in the special: if folks associated with the Tea Party use words like “revolution,” they must be literally advocating violence, whereas when mainstream leftists literally advocate violence , they are not worth mentioning. The special’s rank hypocrisy continues right through Matthews’s final monologue. “Words have consequences,” he states. “You cannot call a president’s policies ‘un-American,’ as Sarah Palin has done,” he claims. Or, Matthews forgot to add, as Salon Editor Joan Walsh and Time columnist Joe Klein have done, the former on Matthews’s show and the latter on another MSNBC program. You can’t “refer to the elected government as a ‘regime'” by Matthews’s account, unless, presumably, you are Chris Matthews or a host of other MSNBC personalities , in which case it is permissible. Given that the special really offered no new insight into the Tea Party movement — just the same cliches the Left has regurgitated since the fall of last year — it is hardly surprising, though worth mentioning, that neither Matthews nor any of his cohorts seem to remember their total lack of concern over the potential for anti-government violence during the Bush administration. A movie depicting the assassination of George W. Bush , the plethora of signs at anti-war rallies calling for his death , the litany of incidents of violence committed by leftist groups in the recent past — none of these things were particularly worrisome for the Left throughout Bush’s term. In all of these ways, the “Rise of the New Right” special was just more of the same.

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Chris Matthews Crams Year’s Worth of Anti-Tea Party Cliches into One Hour Special

Chris Matthews Crams Year’s Worth of Anti-Tea Party Cliches into One Hour Special

What do Tea Partiers, Truthers, birthers, Birchers, militias, Pat Buchanan, Jerry Falwell, Barry Goldwater, Joe McCarthy, Father Coughlin, Glenn Beck, Rush Limbaugh, Sarah Palin, Michelle Bachmann, Ronald Reagan, Strom Thurmond, Rand Paul, Alex Jones, Orly Taitz, and Oklahoma City bomber Tim McVeigh all have in common? Approximately nothing, but don’t tell Chris Matthews. The MSNBC “Hardball” host spent the better part of an hour last night trying to associate all of these characters with one other. Of course he did not provide a shred of evidence beyond, ironically, a McCarthyite notion that all favor smaller government, and are therefore in league, whether they know it or not, to overthrow the government. Together, by Matthews’s account, they comprise or have given rise to the “New Right.” The special was less a history of the Tea Party movement than a history of leftist distortions of the Tea Party movement. As such, it tried — without offering any evidence, mind you — to paint the movement as potentially violent. Hence, after Matthews tried his hardest to link all of these characters, he went on to paint them all as supporting, inciting, or actually committing violence. Matthews trotted out Mark Potok of the Southern Poverty Law Center to claim that “one spark” could set the militia movement off into a violent frenzy. But Matthews used the statement not to indict the militias Potok was discussing, but rather as evidence that the Tea Party movement at-large is a violent one. Set aside for a moment the fact that Potok is nothing but a partisan hack with a pathetic track record of predicting violence, the B-roll footage while the thoroughly-discredited Potok was making these predictions was footage of the 9/12 Tea Party rally in Washington. This is what Matthews did throughout the special: splice together clips of militias firing weapons with Tea Party protesters in order to create a mental association between the groups. That there is no evidence whatsoever linking Tea Parties to militia groups, nor incidents of violence occurring at rallies, did not dissuade the former Jimmy Carter staffer. Matthews simply chose the unseemly route of trying to associate the numerous characters in his special without any evidence to back up his claims. The only connection that Matthews managed to legitimately draw between the Tea Party and militia groups — indeed, between any of the long list of characters mentioned above– is their aversion to government intervention in their daily lives. That’s right, in the same segment in which Matthews ragged against the late Joe McCarthy, he associated Tea Parties with the Hutaree Militia because both have a distaste for big government (the latter much stronger than the other, obviously). By Matthews’s logic, every American who has qualms with some element of capitalism is complicit in, and supports, openly or not, radical anarcho-socialist violence perpetrated at the G-8, or any other incident of leftist violence (and there have been many of late). Matthews himself has touted the wonders of the ” social state .” So he must support, or at least acknowledge the justifiability of folks who wish to violently overthrow the government and impose a socialist system. That is the only logical conclusion, if we accept Matthews’s premises. Such hypocrisy is rife in the special: if folks associated with the Tea Party use words like “revolution,” they must be literally advocating violence, whereas when mainstream leftists literally advocate violence , they are not worth mentioning. The special’s rank hypocrisy continues right through Matthews’s final monologue. “Words have consequences,” he states. “You cannot call a president’s policies ‘un-American,’ as Sarah Palin has done,” he claims. Or, Matthews forgot to add, as Salon Editor Joan Walsh and Time columnist Joe Klein have done, the former on Matthews’s show and the latter on another MSNBC program. You can’t “refer to the elected government as a ‘regime'” by Matthews’s account, unless, presumably, you are Chris Matthews or a host of other MSNBC personalities , in which case it is permissible. Given that the special really offered no new insight into the Tea Party movement — just the same cliches the Left has regurgitated since the fall of last year — it is hardly surprising, though worth mentioning, that neither Matthews nor any of his cohorts seem to remember their total lack of concern over the potential for anti-government violence during the Bush administration. A movie depicting the assassination of George W. Bush , the plethora of signs at anti-war rallies calling for his death , the litany of incidents of violence committed by leftist groups in the recent past — none of these things were particularly worrisome for the Left throughout Bush’s term. In all of these ways, the “Rise of the New Right” special was just more of the same.

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Chris Matthews Crams Year’s Worth of Anti-Tea Party Cliches into One Hour Special

A Bomb in Every Issue (Part II)

A Bomb in Every Issue (Part II) From: truthdig Views: 145 0 ratings Time: 06:40 More in News & Politics

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A Bomb in Every Issue (Part II)

A Bomb In Every Issue (Part III)

A Bomb In Every Issue (Part III) From: truthdig Views: 145 0 ratings Time: 06:54 More in News & Politics

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A Bomb In Every Issue (Part III)